Paper II
The Annotated Bibliography comprises of a total of 38 works in English and Bangla, of which there are 21 books, 12 Articles in Journals and Collections and five Research Reports. The works are arranged in three sections, namely Books, Articles in Journals and Collections, and Research Reports. The works selected are all available in Bangladesh.
The aim of the Annotated Bibliography has been to explore the sociological aspects of corruption in Bangladesh as represented in the literature available, published and unpublished, dating back to 1980. Although every effort has been made to mount an extensive search of libraries and other resource units in Dhaka, time constraints have been enormous. Consequently, the Annotated Bibliography is by no means a comprehensive list of all the literature on corruption in Bangladesh.
Major Trends
Among several major trends which have emerged in this Study, the most striking has been the virtual absence of works dedicated to the sociological aspects of corruption in Bangladesh. Only a single work, Bangladesh: Whose Ideas, Whose Interests? by Geoffrey D. Wood, (1994) offers a substantial analytical section on the sociological aspects of corruption in this country. In fact, Wood himself remarks that although the "paradox of corruption (is) an increasingly acknowledged generic feature of the relationship between official and society, (the topic is) seriously overlooked theoretically." (Wood, 1994, p. 519)
Although corruption is recognised to be a common activity in virtually all facets of the state-society interface in Bangladesh, it is frequently, and either implicitly or explicitly, described in normative terms, as deviant or pathological behaviour. With the exception of several references to the ‘economic’ advantages of corruption, (Gupta, 1997; Theobald, 1990; Consumark, undated, Paper I, p. 17 footnote), the predominant assumption in the literature is that corruption has negative consequences, particularly as a social or political exchange and therefore it is also most likely caused by negative motives and/or is dominated by negative influences. Furthermore, corruption is perceived as a social issue (which it is) but no more than that. It is not examined as a social process. Consequently, with a few exceptions, none of the works in this selection indicate or investigate precisely how, in sociological terms, corruption, corrupt behaviour and their structural outcomes are processed under different circumstances. The study of structure as process, is simply not undertaken.
Social Evil
Given this perspective, many works which discuss corruption do so in a fairly superficial manner. They perceive corruption to be an unmitigated social evil and hence cause for lament, anger, frustration and increasing moral and ethical vigilance. (Ahmad, 1994; Ali, 1994). Two works, while portraying corruption in a similar light, provide a more comprehensive picture of where and how it occurs, (Akhter, 1991, Umar, 1994). In these works, different aspects of corruption are examined and analysed, providing an interesting insight into the ways in which corruption is seen to arise in society. Badruddin Umar, for instance, links corruption to anarchy and terrorism, but he also states that in order to eradicate it, the root causes of corruption must be addressed. Nevertheless, in all these four works the underlying theme continues to be that corruption is a social, political evil which can only be addressed from a moral high ground.
Influence of Modernisation
The theme of an innate, primordial morality is strong in many works, inspired undoubtedly by the school of social science which promotes the theory of modernisation. Modernisation has been discussed in some detail in Paper I, but to summarise it here, again, it rests on the theory that the industrialised and developed countries of the world have become ‘modern’ by adopting, among other things, a particular style of liberal-democracy and state polity which includes the fundamental notion of a ‘rational-legal’ bureaucracy. This bureaucracy, it is believed, functions on universalistic, neutral and objective principles to fulfil the aims of the state which include the promotion of socio-economic development. It is further theorised, that in order to attain the state of ‘modernity’ which the developed world has already substantially reached, the rest of the world must go through the historical stages of abandoning ‘traditional’ norms which encourage patronage, patron-client relationships, patrimonial affiliations, all of which retard the process of development.
In this scenario, corruption is regarded in unequivocally normative terms and the essence of progress is seen to be the elimination of all forms of ‘traditional’ practice, including corruption. Poverty and socio-economic inequalities are regarded to be the result of innate, cultural traits which exist in third world societies and which can be suitably eroded with the influence and guidance of western-based systems of organisation and development. Corruption is regarded to be closely related to a ‘traditional’ mind-set, not the result of particular conditions or circumstances.
The influence of the ‘modernisation’ model is evident in the examination of ‘traditional’ patterns of organisation - such as patrimonialism, patron-client relationships, patronage and the processes by which resources are allocated and distributed in Bangladesh. Several works more or less subscribe to the view that patronage, patron-client relationships, factional and patrimonial arrangements are evidence of primordial traits which Bangladesh must eventually banish in order to become a developed country. Two works in particular which display these characteristics are, Bangladesh: Reflections on the Water, (1994), by James J. Novak, and Behaviour and Poverty in Bangladesh, (1991) by Clarence Maloney. These two works provide interesting but thematically biased accounts of Bangladesh society, emphasising broad culturally determinist trends, and presenting general, fairly personal impressions, through a perspective which though sympathetic to the ‘plight’ of Bangladesh, nevertheless relegates the country and its people to the level of a ‘backward’ society. Another writer, Stanley A. Kochanek, in Patron-Client Politics and Business in Bangladesh,(1993), studies the organisation of business groups in the context of patron-client relationships. He, too, displays a discernible appreciation of the ‘evolutionary’ interpretation of human development.
The problem with these above-mentioned works is that on the one hand, they overlook the fact that patrimonialism, patronage, and/or some form of corruption also exist in developed countries, while on the other, they fail to recognise that circumstances in the third world - such as scarce resources, unpredictable supplies, the absence of financial autonomy for the public service, severe pressures on the political system, as well as the intervention of international capital - all provide motive and opportunity for the prevalence of corruption.
Further examples of this approach can be found in three accounts which, (Ahmed, 1994; Akhter, 1991; Chowdhury, 1983; Ali, 1994;) together with the above-mentioned three books, focus on the impact and the cause of corruption, but not on the processes by which the social formation of corruption takes place. For instance, there is a great deal on the reality that social processes like patron-client relationships prevent resources from reaching their intended beneficiaries, but how this relationship is structured on other conditions like a scarcity of resources, and/or the expectation of scarcity, is not explored.
Since corruption in the form of the patron-client relationship deprives the poor of their share of resources, it is concluded that corruption is caused by a desire to deprive the poor of their share of resources. Result and cause are merged, thus obscuring the real causes of corruption and the structural dimensions of patron-client linkages.
In a similar way, another interesting book, a collection of columns written by an eminent civil servant and economist, (Siddiqui, 1996) discusses the practice of tadbir at length, but not how it occurs as a process of facilitating patronage in a climate of political and economic insecurity is not investigated. It is assumed that since tadbir intrudes upon a public servant’s time, creates routes for inequitable distribution of resources, places pressures upon public servants, it is these factors which cause it to emerge and survive. The impact of corruption is merged to some extent with its likely cause.
Indeed, as far as the root causes of corruption are concerned, there appears to be some reluctance on the part of Bangladeshi writers to acknowledge the reality that corruption might be an indigenously created condition. This seems to be one reason to explain why there is a recurring image of corruption as an imported, capitalist product (Chowdhury, 1983; Bhattacharya, 1994; Chowdhury, 1985; Umar, 1994). Corruption is perceived to be the end result of an outside, essentially alien influence, the clear implication being that corruption is not indigenous to Bangladesh and certainly, its presence does not reflect the true cultural heritage of the people of this country. Interestingly, though there are references to the origins of corruption from outside Bangladesh, very little if anything is stated about corruption in the western world. The question which comes to mind here is whether ‘modernisation’ theory has so permeated thinking in Bangladesh that any suggestion that corruption is an indigenous disease raises a somewhat defensive response. Is it because the connection is assumed to be negative in its implications? The answer is difficult to find, but it can be said with some certainty that most works on corruption appear to react emotionally to the suggestion of an indigenous connection. The possibility that corruption could be indigenous, at least partly, but not culturally or traditionally innate, does not cross the mind. In a perverse sort of way, therefore, ‘modernisation’ might still be defining the understanding of corruption in the country.
Corruption and Politics
Three works provide an informative backdrop to political corruption in Bangladesh, over the years. Rounaq Jahan, in Bangladesh Politics: Problems and Issues, (1980), deals with some three decades of political history, from the last ten years of East Pakistan to the regime of Ziaur Rahman in 1980; while Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, in Bangladesh Punargathon O Jatiya Oikamatta (Bangladesh Reconstruction and National Consensus), (1991), narrates the excesses of the Ershad regime, noted for its totalitarian rule and rising levels of patronage; and Moudud Ahmed, in Bangladesh: Era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1983), provides a balanced, impartial account of the early years of Bangladesh which were also probably its most turbulent. These works do not focus on the subject of corruption as such, but they refer to it all the time, illustrating the deeply imbedded nature of corruption during these times. They provide valuable insights into conditions which have enabled and encouraged political patronage to become dominant in the country.
Theory and Practice
The location of corruption is undeniably diverse, both in a global sense and in the context of Bangladesh and the literature reviewed bears witness to these realities, while also describing the context and conditions under which corruption exists. Several works provide this perspective: Robin Theobald, in Corruption, Development and Underdevelopment,(1990), presents an exceedingly balanced, thorough sociological analysis of corruption in the context of development and underdevelopment, with special reference to the developing world. Geoffrey D. Wood, who has been mentioned above, in Bangladesh: Whose Ideas, Whose Interests?(1994), presents a searching, thorough and though-provoking analysis of rural development, with a chapter related to corruption in Bangladesh. Both these works are insightful and provide a foundation for further research on corruption in Bangladesh. Another theoretical work, by Manash Ranjan Gupta, and Sarbajit Chaudhuri, entitled Formal Credit, Corruption and the Informal Credit Market in Agriculture: A Theoretical Analysis, (1997), is useful because it explores the relationship between informal and formal credit policies in a rural environment, demonstrating the close relationship between corruption and the market. Works like this provide a context for understanding the dynamics of rural society and the interface of state and market in imperfect conditions.
Private Sector
Works on the private sector are rare, especially from a sociological perspective. Consequently, an essay which explains how corruption affects business and trade in Bangladesh is useful. Entitled, Apparel Exports from Bangladesh: Brilliant Entrepreneurship or Spurious Success?(1996), by Munir Quddus, it deals in considerable detail with the dynamics of a garment entrepreneur. A point of some significance which Quddus makes is that the garment industry has been incredibly successful largely because it was led by entrepreneurs who were prepared to take risks - in spite of obstacles placed by the government. Quddus shows how, even though the garment exporter has to pay considerably high bribes, and he, too, is in all likelihood indulging in illegal activities in the marketplace, the value of the private sector as a growing segment within the private sector of the economy together with its role in earning valuable foreign exchange, far outweighs any drawbacks as might exist within the industry. Works like these are valuable because they provide insights into issues which are relevant to the country’s future and especially to the growth of the private sector.
Another work supports and adds to the insights gained through Quddus’ essay. This is a confidential report commissioned by the World Bank Resident Mission, which contains a valuable, thorough investigation on the network of government regulations in Bangladesh and their impact on business and trade. The report is empirically sound and detailed in its analysis of the nature and impact of bureaucratic rules and regulations. (Consumark Limited: Bangladesh: The Regulatory Maze - and how it helps perpetuate poverty and corruption. Five papers prepared for the World Bank Resident Mission, Bangladesh. Dhaka, undated). Particularly interesting, is the section devoted to the working life of an average rickshaw owner and the impact of regulations on his earnings and performance.
Having said that it must be added that implicit in this document is a notion which challenges the perspective which this Study advocates, namely of understanding how socio-economic conditions provide fertile grounds for corruption - and not the other way around. The title of the Consumark report is revealing in this regard. It is not entirely accidental that the title of this survey - Bangladesh: The Regulatory Maze - and how it helps perpetuate poverty and corruption-- implicitly attributes the root cause of corruption to be the state, in the guise of rules and regulations which it imposes on citizens. Although the information in the report is extremely valuable, the interpretation of the data is somewhat less easily acceptable. Corruption is not an entity in itself nor, for that matter, can corruption be the cause and the effect of its own existence. Therefore, the suggestion that regulations help perpetuate corruption or, indeed, perpetuate poverty is misleading. An objective appraisal of the reality of corruption suggests that corruption, far from being the cause of poverty is in fact the result of poverty, socio-economic instability, a chronic shortage of resources, as well as a range of external influences. Regulations, in themselves, are not corrupt; when they function in rent-seeking conditions they can encourage corruption.
Public Sector
In spite of many different discussions on corruption - as a social evil, as an alien influence, and so on - there is continuing emphasis on the existence of corruption in the public domain and the commission of corrupt acts by members of the government, the civil service and so on. Two works in particular, bear witness to the dilemma which is at the heart of the problem: the need to create an independent, neutral, honest, efficient, accountable public administration in Bangladesh. Saadat Hussain in Corruption in Public Offices: Some Conceptual Issues in the Context of Bangladesh,(1990) and Kamal Siddiqui in Towards Good Governance in Bangladesh: Fifty Unpleasant Essays,(1996) both demonstrate the relevance of this issue to Bangladesh.
Rural Society
A considerably rich portion of the literature available focuses on rural development and the processes by which scarce resources are allocated in Bangladesh. The dynamics of rural society offer interesting challenges for social scientists exploring corruption in Bangladesh because these dynamics represent not only the majority but also the core, so to speak, of the country’s supposedly ‘traditional’ population, and their social and political organisation, in a predominantly agrarian environment. Consequently, these books are especially useful as a background for corruption in Bangladesh.
These works include: two works by the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, namely: The Net: Power Structure in Ten Villages, (June, 1986) and Who Gets What And Why, Resource Allocation in a Bangladeshi Village (September, 1986). There is another work of interest, The Distribution of Benefits from the Public Food Distribution System,(1986) by Abu Abdullah, and K.A.S. Murshid.
Several other works add to our understanding of the rural market, the state, as well as socio-economic conditions under which they function. These include, four works by Atiur Rahman, Grameen Manusher Drishtite Khamata Kathamor Sawrup (Nature of Power Structure in the Eyes of Rural Peoples) (August 1988); Gram Banglar Tout O Khomatar Kathamo: Subidhe Len-den Bishaye Ekti Matamat Jariper Phalaphal (Touts of Rural Bengal and Power Structure: Findings of an Opinion Poll on Bargaining of Advantages), (May, 1988); and Rural Power Structure: A Study of the Union Parishad Leaders in Bangladesh, (1979). In addition, there is a work by A.R.A. Jaheruddin, Rural Development and Informal Coalitions in a Bangladesh Village, (1987), which is also useful as a source of information. A study on a similar theme, edited by Bilkis Ara Alam, entitled, Union Parishad: Kayekti Samikkha (Union Council: A Few Studies), (1983), is not as informative on the subject of corruption, though it does provide a useful background on rural society in general.
The decentralisation of local government is a subject of interest to all governments in Bangladesh. It is an important consideration for any study of society in Bangladesh, and especially of rural society. How national and rural governments are connected in the relationships of class, self-interest, kinship or patronage is extremely significant to any understanding of society. Consequently, the works on rural government are key reading in order to understand how the future of rural society is shaped and the extent to which corruption is a consideration in that environment.
Whether devolution will create new avenues for corruption or whether it will only perpetuate and provide more opportunities for patronage and factional allegiances from the national to the rural levels of power and influence, remains to be seen. Suffice it to say that the literature surveyed provides ample food for thought. (Alam, et al 1994; Sarker, 1992).
Corruption and Law
The works of Md. Moksudur Rahman, (Problems of the Village Court - A Case Study of two Union Parishads of Pabna Upazila of Rajshahi District),(1986), A.N.M. Khaled Chowdhury, Law on Corruption, (1984), and Abdur Rahmanel Masood, (Durniti Daman Ain, (The Anti-Corruption Laws), (1984), are valuable because they deal with the dispensation of law in the rural community - an exercise which highlights the institutional structures which aid the elite in the rural community. These structures prevent the poorer sections of the population from being able to fight against the misuse of power and the misappropriation of public resources.
The Annotated Bibliography consists of several studies on aid and the aid community which enhance our picture of the socio-economic conditions of the developing economy of Bangladesh.
These studies also highlight the part played by the donor community in promoting the agenda of development administration: Patricia Adams, in Odious Debts, Loose Lending, Corruption and the Third World Environmental Legacy, (1991), and Betsy Hurtman, and James Boyes, in Bangladesh: Abhabgrasthader Jannya Shahajjya (Bangladesh: Aid to the Needy) (1980). Erik G Jansen’s essay Interest Groups and Development Assistance: The Case of Bangladesh, (1993), on the subject of aid is informative and thought-provoking, dealing with the manner in which corruption influences decisions by the aid donors - more often than not with negative results for the recipient.
General Features
There is a refreshing attention to detail when dealing with the processes of, for instance, resource allocation in rural society, especially where the centre or state interacts with the periphery or village. Overall, the literature selected is replete with references to corruption though frequently subsumed under indirect, incidental or even euphemistic expressions. It is recommended, therefore, that a careful reading of the text be undertaken in order to fully appreciate the flavour, tone and implications of a work.
As has already been mentioned, there is a notable absence of works dedicated to the analysis of corruption in Bangladesh. In order to develop a reasonably representative and accurate background to the nature of corruption in Bangladesh, a variety of other works have been accessed. Some works provide useful references to the global problem of corruption, for instance, Parliamentary Action to fight Corruption and the Need for International Co-operation in this Field: Resolutions Adopted by the 94th Inter-Parliamentary Conference, by the Inter-Parliamentary Union, (1995).
The Study concludes that there is an awareness of the recurring incidence of corruption among political leaders and high level bureaucrats. This is accompanied by a sense of disillusionment with regard to the effectiveness of law, special anti-corruption campaigns, political change or even the intervention of international interests. It is believed, overall, that the interests of the common person are not likely to overcome the interests of the powerful members of society.